The Concept of Idealism in the International Relations Spectrum Essay Sample free essay sample

Idealism allegedly dominated the survey of international dealingss from the terminal of the First World War until the late thirtiess. Idealists are out of touch with current believing. they put moral rules before practical or prudential considerations. and are naive about the universe around them. They are futurists who seek a perfect universe. It is non surprising. so. that it was the self-proclaimed realists who coined the term to depict the broad internationalism of the interwar old ages. Whether it deserves such a label is problematic. Recent research indicates that the dreamer minds of the period were non every bit â€Å"other-worldly† as many realists suggested. R. N. Berki pointed out that idealism in the international position â€Å"signifies an effort to simplify political world with a position to deriving a unitary. apparently consistent image ; this enterprise involves the necessity of abstracting from political world. and besides the inclination to stay arrested i n one’s ain abstraction. We will write a custom essay sample on The Concept of Idealism in the International Relations Spectrum Essay Sample or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page reading this as the whole† ( Berki. 228 ) . Alternatively of utilizing and explicating term â€Å"idealism. † Carr systematically used â€Å"utopianism. † Indeed. on the few occasions Carr did utilize the term â€Å"idealism† he had in head philosophical idealism -the philosophy that upholds. approximately talking. that world is a merchandise of the head – instead than political idealism ( Carr. 20. 115 ) . In contrast the early postwar American realists – Morgenthau. Wolfers. and Herz – used the term â€Å"idealism† instead than â€Å"utopianism† . From the critical position. the two footings have been used interchangeably. By and large talking. the dreamers shared a belief in advancement and were of the position that the processs of parliamentary democracy and deliberation under the regulation of jurisprudence could be steadfastly established in international diplomatic negotiations. This is why they placed so much importance on the League of Nations and on beef uping i nternational jurisprudence. A cardinal feature of idealism is the belief that what unites human existences is more of import than what divides them. The dreamers rejected communitarian and realist statements that the province is itself a beginning of moral value for human existences. Alternatively. they defended a cosmopolite moralss and sought to educate persons about the demand to reform the international system. Bing addressed by many philosophers and politicians earlier in the history. in the beginning of the 19th century the construct of international idealism has been formulated and shaped by the philosophical system of Hegel. Harmonizing to Hegel. the province is itself an person that demands acknowledgment and achieves it by battle. and that undergoes a procedure of moral development towards full uneasiness of itself as free and independent. Like the single individual. the sovereignty of the province must possess self-certainty and exists â€Å"only as subjectivity† . The truth of subjectiveness and of personality can be realized merely as a topic and individual. The individualism of the province is manifest in the single individual of the constitutional sovereign ( Hegel. Doctrine of Right.  §279 ) . A province must undergo a procedure whereby it attains its rational uneasiness of being-for-itself. Hegel contends that in order to go free and self-determining all states must se e the rough subject of subservience. The illustrations he gives are those of Athens and Rome. which had to travel through periods of subjugation before come oning to their ain uneasiness of individualism. Quite logically. the standard of behavior which states observe in their dealingss with other provinces are. like the internal fundamental law of a province. historically developing. Hegel posed that there must be a household of provinces like that which had come into being in modern Europe. This system of provinces. although politically fragmented. constituted one people. Within this system a balance of power was maintained to protect any one of them from â€Å"the force of the powerful† . and a diplomatic negotiations emerged â€Å"in which all the members of the great European system. nevertheless distant. felt an involvement in that which happened to any one of them† ( Hegel. Doctrine of History. 430-2 ) . European provinces constrain each other non merely in the declaration of war. but besides in its behavior one time war has been declared. One may detect that being an dreamer. Hegel had a great trade of religion in the regulative capacity of usage in international dealingss. It is non a widely distributed ideal or rule that impresses itself upon the single European provinces to move humanely in their dealingss with each other. but chiefly their ain national imposts universalized. It is these. and non international jurisprudence as such. that constitute â€Å"the cosmopolitan facet of behavior which is preserved under all circumstances† ( Hegel. Doctrine of Right.  §339 ) . Between 1818. when France took its topographic point alongside Russia. Britain. Austria. and Prussia in the Concert of Europe. and the clip of Hegel’s decease in 1831. the great powers orchestrated the care of the system by agencies of holding to. or assenting in. corporate intercession in the domestic issues outside their formal legal power. The interventionism which the Gallic Revolution sanctioned provided a convenient practical rule for quashing radical activities against bing provinces. In the Americas settlements were arising against imperium. In 1823 the United States promulgated the Monroe Doctrine. which declared that in future the states of the American continent were non to be viewed as possible settlements for European powers. Furthermore. any effort to win back the freshly established South American democracies would be viewed by the United States as a menace to its peace and security. Modern international dealingss theory has late taken a normative bend and begun earnestly to research the topographic point of moralss in the dealingss among provinces. Such theoreticians at one time reject what was the dominant aspiration in assorted pretenses in the subject. viz. the hunt for nonsubjective account. and deny the Realist contention that talk of morality and ethical rules disguises the implicit in motives. viz. power and security. If ethical rules are to play a function in international dealingss. they must hold some footing of justification. A figure of theoreticians have sought to place the beginning of the rules of international moralss in either cosmopolitanism or communitarianism. while keeping at the same clip that these two classs adequately conceptualize normative thought in international dealingss since the clip of Kant. There are. of class. different types of cosmopolitanism. and likewise. communitarianism comes in different pretenses. but Hegel is exemplified as its chief advocate. Simultaneously. Marx’s cosmopolitanism is typically identified as one of its chief discrepancies along with utilitarianism and Kantianism. When we use the classs of cosmopolitanism and communitarianism to research the theories of international dealingss of Hegel and Marx we find that the states-based international system of Hegel. with its accent upon individualism. acknowledgment and international right. bases in pronounced contrast to Marx’s accent upon a homeless international community in which disaffection. development. and alienation are overcome in a cosmopolitan moral community. Harmonizing to Marx. human existences are constituted by the societal dealingss of production and international moralss. and the international system itself is a map of the manner of production. Marx’s version of cosm opolitanism is one in which the cosmopolitan moral community has little or no topographic point until the terminal of a procedure well enhanced and facilitated by the particularistic fortunes of capitalist economy. The constructs of idealism. in its assorted signifiers ( cosmopolitanism. communitarianism. etc ) exhibit farther logical development in early 20th century. and had been by and large referred as inter-war idealism. In an influential article John Herz equated idealism with an amazing array of other â€Å"isms† : universalism ; cosmopolitanism ; humanitarianism ; optimism ; liberalism ; socialism ; pacificism ; anarchism ; internationalism ; ‘idealist nationalism’ ; and millenarianism ( Herz. 157-80 ) . Uncertainty as to the nature and range of idealism as a class of idea is matched by uncertainness as to who the dreamers really were. Few of the commentaries on the period name more than two or three single dreamers. a singular fact given the extent to which they are said to hold dominated inter-war thought. Mention is made. of class. to Woodrow Wilson and his Fourteen Points. Norman Angell and Alfred Zimmern. Practically. the figure of political authors and publicizers who devoted themselves to international inquiries during the inter-war period was huge. This does non. of class. come as any great surprise given the grade to which the period was dominated by international jobs and crises of one sort or another. In his book. Carr provided a brief outline of inter-war idealism. placing the undermentioned as Utopian. hence idealistic: programs for an international constabulary force ; corporate security ; general disarming ; the thought of criminalizing war ; proposals for a â€Å"United States of Europe† ; the claim that national self-government automatically leads to peace ; the differentiation between â€Å"justiciable† and â€Å"non-justiciable† differences ; â€Å"visions of universe federation† ; and â€Å"blue-prints of a more perfect League of Nations. † If assessed critically the creative activity and farther development of the latter became the culmination of the international idealism philosophy. Whilst seeking to avoid dogmatic attachment to broad ideals. such politicians as Woodrow Wilson and Zimmern hoped to utilize these rules to modify the bing constructions of the international system. This attack emerged most clearly in their treatments of the organisation of the League of Nations after the First World War and analysis of postwar developments. Zimmern’s thought was that the organisation should be based on a series of regular conferences of states. â€Å"The cardinal rule of the League† . he wrote. â€Å"would be that it is a meeting of Governments with Governments. each Government continuing its ain independency and being responsible to its ain people† ( Zimmern. 203 ) . Such a conference would be a sort of executive commission managed by the great powers on behalf of the international organic structure of autonomous provinces. This thought contrasts with that of the broad left and socialists who argued for an international authorities with more extended powers and a attendant decrease in national crowned head powers. These proposals did much to counter Woodrow Wilson’s more ambitious thoughts and to restrict the League’s function to one where it was more of an institutionalization of the nineteenth-century impression of a Concert of Europe ( Winkler. 253-4 ) . Zimmern has been peculiarly enthusiastic about international cooperation through instruction. He was particularly critical of those who saw the League of Nations as a Panacea. for it was â€Å"only by courtesy† that the Supreme Council of the League could be described as a Concert of Europe. This Concert was a delicate construction which was. even by 1922. â€Å"visibly giving out as the memory of the great common battle grows dim† . It besides suffered from the fact that it was non based on a clear policy or mentality ( Zimmern. 49 ) . It was. hence. â€Å"little more than a ego righteous soporific† to prophesy that the League could be the solution to international struggle. Simultaneously. Zimmern remain ed a strong advocator of the ideals of the Commonwealth piece at the same clip being critical of the position that the Commonwealth entirely could move as a decisive force for universe peace. From the critical point of view. the thought that the Commonwealth could be a theoretical account for internationalism has been partially converting since the Commonwealth did non hold a good success rate on the handling of interracial personal businesss. peculiarly sing the issue of Asiatic in-migration into Australia or South Africa. Ideal scholarship on international dealingss in the inter-war period. while varied in its ain ways. evidenced at least three common togss: an overruling concern with international organisation as a supplier of security in international dealingss ; state-centrism ; and a normative though non needfully Utopian involvement in the turning away of war. In academic scholarship the predominant common concern was the League of Nations or. more by and large. the importance and hereafter of international organisation as mechanisms of corporate security and international order as a whole. The survey of international organisation was ab initio dominated by the Hagiographas of international attorneies and those that wrote in the legal parlance. concentrating about entirely on the formal. that is. constitutional construction of the League. The practical and normative facet of international theory is exemplified by the subjects of the International Studies Conferences that were sponsored by the International Institute of Intellectual Cooperation during the 1930s. The first of the conferences in 1931 addressed the turning planetary economic crisis. Two subsequent conferences addressed. severally. corporate security and peaceable alteration. Both were held in the shadow of the quickly deteriorating international state of affairs and the at hand diminution and autumn of the League as an effectual corporate security system. in the face of events in Manchuria. the Spanish Civil War and the Italian appropriation of Ethiopia. Each of the conferences addressed their replies to provinces. both individually and jointly in the League. and were explicitly intended to be fora for treatment of possible solutions to existent and perceived international crises. For case. the conference on peaceable alteration glided over the complexnes ss of the nature of peaceable alteration and alternatively straight addressed the concrete. immediate inquiry of alteration in the international system at the clip: that is. the alteration of the Versailles Treaty and the efforts to suit the claims of the alleged revisionist states. Germany. Italy. and Japan. Whatever the short-run effects of idealism on the international idealism were. its long-run results are now regarded as positive and strategic. In the essay. â€Å"The Neoidealist Moment. † Kegley specify â€Å"the most valid properties† of the dreamer traditions. and redefined â€Å"refashioned† realist paradigm â€Å"inspired by Wilsonian idealism† ( Kegley. 142 ) . Implicit in Kegley’s statement are four claims associating to what he sees as the renewed relevancy of Woodrow Wilson’s attack to universe political relations. First. he contends that the post-Cold War universe may be a â€Å"far more inviting place for the rules Wilson advocated to steer international conduct’ than the universe after the First World War or during the Cold War. Second. and closely connected. he suggests that Wilson’s thoughts â€Å"now appear less unrealistic and more compelling† . and that they may be thoughts whose clip has eventually com e ( Kegley. 134 ) . Third. he observes that the â€Å"issues that have risen to the top of the docket in theoretical and policy discourse† are really similar to those Wilson sought to lucubrate in his â€Å"Fourteen Points† ( Kegley. 135 ) . Finally. he suggests that regardless of new paradigms. theories. and other such scholarly artefacts. the universe may be really going more like the one Wilson envisaged – recent developments suggest that the post-Cold War universe may be cast more in the dreamer than the realist image ( Kegley. 139 ) . Foremost. the international idealism impacted the construct of human rights. In modern-day â€Å"domestic† and international political relations the entreaty to cosmopolitan rights has achieved unprecedented prominence. Governments are often brought to task for their human rights maltreatments. The United Nations. modified version of the League. and a great many non-governmental organisations monitor human rights throughout the universe. and instances are brought against authoritiess in the assorted international tribunals by persons who claim their human rights are being violated. Failure of authoritiess to continue the basic rights of their citizens may be evidences for articulating them bastard. In the instance of failure to prolong subsistence rights. the deductions may be rather far-reaching because it may be that the international economic system. and non the domestic authorities. is at mistake. This gives rise to the inquiry of economic justness and the redistribution o f resources ( Beitz. 150 ) . John Rawls’s â€Å"A Theory of Justice† distinguishes strongly between the internal and external dealingss of provinces. A societal construction that gives rise to inequalities is unfair unless it can be rationally justified. In the international domain. nevertheless. inequalities of wealth do non necessitate such justifications. The ground for this is that Rawls believes society to be a concerted venture productive of a societal excess for common advantage. which is in surplus of the sum of single goods. Principles of justness have to guarantee the just distribution of these goods. The socalled universe society is a aggregation of coexistent provinces and non a co-operative venture in the same sense as a state-based society. and is hence non in demand of rules for the redistribution of wealth. The regulations of justness needed for a universe society and arrived at by agencies of a 2nd contract to which provinces are parties. are regulations of that articulated by inte rnational dreamers. viz. rules of coexistence. regard for province liberty and self-government. sovereignty. and non-interference. and conventions of war. Bibliography Berki. R. N.On Political Realism. London. J. M. Dent A ; Sons. 1981 Carr. E. H.The Twenty Years’ Crisis. London. Macmillan. 1946 Hegel G. W. F.Reason in History. trans. Robert S. Hartman. Indianapolis. Bobbs-Merril. 1953 Hegel G. W. F.The Philosophy of Right. Chicago. Benton. 1952. Beitz C. .Political Theory and International Relations. Princeton. Princeton University Press. 1979 ) . 150. Herz J. . â€Å"Idealist Internationalism and the Security Dilemma† .World Politicss. 2 /2 ( 1950 ) . 157-80 Zimmern A. .Europe in Convalescence. London. 1922 Zimmern A. .The League of Nations and the Rule of Law. London. 1936 Winkler H. .The League of Nations Movement in Great Britain. 1914-1919. New Jersey. 1967 Kegley C. W. â€Å"The Neoidealist Moment in International Studies? Realist Myths and the New International Realities† .International Studies Quarterly. 37/ 2 ( 1993 ) . 131-46 Beitz C. .Political Theory and International Relations. Princeton. Princeton University Press. 1979.

Using the Spanish Verb Seguir

Using the Spanish Verb Seguir The verb seguir carries with it the idea of to continue or to follow, but it can be used in a variety of ways that have other translations to English. Using Seguir by Itself Standing alone, seguir typically means to go on or to continue: A 20 bajo cero la vida sigue. (At 20 below life goes on.) ¡Sigue!  ¡Puedes hacerlo! (Keep it up! You can do it!)Estaba sana fisicamente, pero la depresià ³n seguà ­ y seguà ­a. (She was physically healthy, but the depression dragged on and on.) Using Seguir With Gerunds Seguir is most commonly used to precede the gerund, where it functions as a type of auxiliary verb meaning to continue or to keep on. In this way it is forms a type of progressive tense: Tengo un crà ©dito por minivan usada y no la puedo seguir pagando. (I have a loan for a used minivan and I cant continue paying for it.)Siguià ³ corriendo a pesar del dolor. (He kept on running despite the pain.)Cuando tenga la oportunidad, seguirà © estudiando inglà ©s. (When I have the opportunity, I will continue studying English.)Siga aprendiendo. (Keep on learning.)La cantante chilena sigue rompiendo sus propios rà ©cords. (The Chilean singer keeps on breaking her own records.)Seguà ­a pensando en el tiempo perdido en pensar en el tiempo que pierdo. (She kept on thinking about the time lost thinking about the time lost.) Such sentences frequently carry the connotation of to still be (verb ing): El actor sigue buscando la felicidad. (The actor is still looking for happiness.)Sà ­, sigue nevando afuera. (Yes, its still snowing outside.)Sigo tratando de fotografiar a mi gato, pero no me deja. (Im still trying to take a picture of my cat, but hes not letting me.) Following Seguir With an Adjective When seguir is followed by an adjective, the meaning of to still be (adjective) also is common: Cynthia sigue feliz con su esposo. (Cynthia is still happy with her husband.(Si la situacià ³n sigue difà ­cil durante tres o cuatro meses, algunas operaciones se cancelarn. (If the situation is still difficult for three or four months, some operations will be canceled.)Ella se siente feliz, pero sigue asustada. (She feels happy, but shes still afraid.)Hoy amanecà ­ un poco mejor, pero de todas maneras sigo triste. (Today I got up a little bit better, but in any case Im still sad.) Prepositional Phrases Using Seguir Similarly, seguir en commonly means to still be in: El piloto espaà ±ol sigue en coma. (The Spanish pilot is still in a coma.)Mucha gente sigue en vacaciones y llegan hasta las clases de maà ±ana. (Many people are still on vacation and will arrive in classes tomorrow.)Seguirà © en contacto contigo, te lo prometo. (I promise you, Ill still be in touch with you.) Seguir sin often means to still be without. An infinitive often follows, making a sentence construction quite unlike what is used to say the same thing in English: Un tercio de la capital sigue sin electricidad. (A third of the capital is still without electricity.)Seguimos sin reconocer los culpables de la crisis. (We still dont recognize who is responsible for the crisis.)Siguen sin pagarme. (They still arent paying me.)Siguieron sin hacer nada productivo. (They still hadnt done anything productive).Hay algunas cosas de mi madre que sigo sin entender. (There are some things about my mother that I still dont understand.) Using Seguir With a Direct Object One common meaning of seguir is to follow, either literally or figuratively, especially when seguir is used with a direct object: A mi casa me siguià ³ un perrito. (A puppy followed me home.)No me sigas, no tengo la menor idea de lo que hago. (Dont follow me, I dont have the least idea what Im doing.)Sigue las instrucciones que te vamos a dar. (Follow the instructions that we are going to give you.)Hay nivel para principiantes de Guitar Hero donde sà ³lo se necesita seguir el ritmo. (There is a level for Guitar Hero beginners where all you have to do is follow the rhythm.) Conjugating Seguir Note that seguir is conjugated irregularly. Unlike many irregular verbs, which change in their endings, seguir usually changes in the stem when it breaks the pattern. For example, its gerund is siguiendo, not the seguiendo you might expect. Seguir is irregular in all of its subjunctive form as well as present and preterite indicative. The forms for the present indicative are: sigo, sigues, sigue, seguimos, seguis, siguen. Irregular forms are in boldface. Key Takeaways In many situations, seguir can be translated as to continue or informally as to keep on.Seguir often carries the connotation that something has been happening for longer than might be expected or desired.Seguir is an irregularly conjugated verb.

Business organisation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Business organisation - Essay Example As such a firm’s response to market changes is structured by its form of capitalism, which has its own features like particular management structure, systems, culture, and legal governing bodies. Thus, success and failure of an enterprise depends on its investment strategy in different system structures and personnel. Accordingly, the British SMEs follow the personal form of capitalism. It is significant to verify how this personal form of capitalism has helped the British SMEs to flourish. Let’s consider some stats on British SMEs in this regard (Chandler [1990]. According to BT Business special report by Bourne (July 2007), importance of small businesses in British economy can be judged from the number of enterprises in the UK, which is 4.3 million, 99.3% of which have less than 50 employees on their roll. Small businesses generate about 10.3 million jobs in the UK, which is 46.8% of all jobs. Turnover of 36.4% UK businesses is above  £800 billion annually. Technology is a big reason according to BT Business report in the expansion in SME’s and it is an add-on to the smaller businesses tradition of collectively working by building further on personal relationships. By getting their business online, SMEs are trying to scale the ladder of progress. Some stats to consider: 60% businesses have online presence, 2% use the online medium for advertisement, 9% are listed on other websites, 8% have a totally dedicated online strategy and 21% have no web presence. About three-quarters of small businesses (74%) view the internet as an important tool in achieving their business targets in the approaching 5 years and 63% businesses assume that they can better compete with bigger players and varied markets through internet. Personal capital being the plus factor of British businesses, they work in the direction of personal relationship and winning the faith of their customers,

Organizational Analysis Groups and Leadership Case Study

Organizational Analysis Groups and Leadership - Case Study Example The teams are small from 3 to 16 members and are formed on a temporary basis as needed. The role of team leader rotates through the team members (Clawson 2005 p.7). FMC Green River is a task-oriented environment where employees are restricted by their job description. The manager of FMC Green River would like to begin utilizing the team concept to see if it can improve production and employee satisfaction. The leadership at FMC Aberdeen has seen a succession of delegated authority and empowered employees. The management style is relationship oriented and involves a great amount of trust. The FMC Green River plant has a larger employee base. Though the manager, Kenneth Dailey, feels he has an interactive style he would like to improve management's relationship with the employees. The scope of the operation is such that it limits relationship building. FMC Aberdeen has a solid communication network that can disseminate information very rapidly to the necessary people. FMC Green River would like to improve their company communications but face several challenges. The team concept used at FMC Aberdeen may not be able to be implemented at FMC Green River. Green River is a highly industrialized environment that works around heavy machinery that is spread out over a large area. They currently work in a group structure. Machine operation may be too specialized to be spread out over a team responsibility. Forming large teams simply for the sake of a 'team in name only' would not have any beneficial effect (Robbins 2003 p.263). However, administrative workers may be able to form teams and share responsibilities. Dailey has a small management team at the FMC Green River plant. This limits the time and amount of employee involvement they can have. FMC Aberdeen is a close knit organization that has an opportunity to see and talk to one another on a daily basis. FMC Green River does not enjoy this and has thus limited Kenneth Dailey's ability to empower the employees or delegate authority based on trust. He may have an unrealistic view of his interactive style. The close geographical environment at FMC Aberdeen makes it easy for quick communications between team members. Communications networks are well established. FMC Green River is more challenged in this area as the employees are spread out and separated from one another both geographically and technically. FMC Green River is also hindered by their computer system (Clawson 2005 p.22). Most employees do not have access to e-mail or the company Intranet. They have also never created or fostered an environment of open communications. Recommendations FMC Green River should begin to form teams in the administrative area as a way to introduce the concept to the facility. Training will need to be conducted to assure that the workers are skilled at team leadership as well as educated in regards to what is expected of the members. Rules will need to be implemented to prevent 'social loafing' and norms for the team will need to be enforced (Robbins 2003 p.269). As systems are replaced in the manufacturing area, they need to be designed with the team concept in mind. It will not be possible for Kenneth Dailey to undertake the management style at FMC Aberdeen. The employee base is too large and installing more middle managers that

The Holocaust In Rwanda History Essay

The Holocaust In Rwanda History Essay The Holocaust was, without question, one of the defining events of the 20th Century and its legacy left an indelible mark upon subsequent attempts to come to terms with issues of genocide and mass murder. Whilst the Holocaust is the most well-known case of genocide, the systematic extermination of groups of people or entire societies both pre-dates 1945 and has also played a fundamental part in international politics since the end of the Second World War. The formation of the United Nations helped to legally define the concept of genocide and Fatsah Ouguergouz shows that Article II of the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide enumerates a number of acts which committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such constitute the international crime of genocide (Ouguergouz 2003: pp.216). However, despite greater efforts to understand and combat the problem of genocide the post-1945 world has proven itself incapable of eliminating genocide. The Holocaust might be the most glaring example of genocide before 1945, but there is a strong case to be made for the argument that the Rwandan genocide a serious episode since the end of the Cold War. This essay will examine whether the Rwandan experience displays points of comparison to the Holocaust and to what extent a comparison is a valid historical line of enquiry. There have been a number of historians that have sought to locate common themes in the Jewish and Rwandan experience of genocide. One concept that is often applied to the Holocaust and the case of Rwanda that is argued to mark them out from other instances of genocide is the idea of total genocide. Robert Melson draws a distinction between what he refers to as partial genocide, which is the use of mass murder in order to coerce and to alter the identity or the politics of a group, not to destroy it and total genocide, which means to do away with a group entirely (Melson 1996: pp.28). Mark Levene argues that both in the case of the Holocaust and Rwanda one can argue that total genocide was being practised by the perpetrators and that it was not simply a conscious attempt to mass murder targeted groups as groups, but, so far as it was possible to do so, to the point of their complete annihilation (Levene 2005: pp.66). The concept of total genocide to the Holocaust and to Rwanda is impo rtant to consider when thinking about both cases. Indeed, the term Final Solution is synonymous with an approach seeking to exterminate an entire group of people and Friedlander shows that for Hermann Goring the final solution was also a total solution (Friedlander 1997: pp.284). Christian Scherrer argues that Rwanda can similarly only be understood as a situation of final solution and total genocide and he argues that this is the only possible starting point for understanding Rwandan realities as they are today (Scherrer 2002: pp.169). In other words, the explicit aim of the Nazis was to remove entirely the presence of Jewish people from the face of the earth and the parallels with the case of Rwanda are clear. The relentless drive by Hutu extremists and militias to eliminate the entire Tutsi population originated in large part from the belief that the solution to Rwandas problems was to eliminate the entire Tutsi population (Twagilimana 1997: pp.50). Conceptualising of the Holocaust and the Rwandan genocide with reference to the n otion of total genocide, therefore, appears to be justified in relation to the intentions of the Nazis and the Hutu. ************* difference= brith of the hatred. R the division was created by the colonists (French and Belgians), by defining differences in characteristics between the Hutu and Tutsi and creating a hierarchical system for the possession of such traits, which essentially gave rise to hatred and segregation in Rwandan population. Whereas anti-Semitism has been in existence for centuries (PROOF) Another comparison that can be drawn between the Holocaust and the Rwandan experience of genocide is the innocence of the victims. Lemarchand argues that Tutsi and Jews share a sense of victimhood for which here are few other parallels in recent or past history and that Jews across the world, and the state of Israel in particular, heavily empathise with the Rwandan experience (Lemarchand 2005: pp.145). A former Rwandan government official states the Rwandan genocide and the Holocaust were the same as both killed innocent people based on their race, religion or convictions (Eltringham 2004: pp.54). ADD: how both Rwandans and the jewish populattions were both victims. DIFFERNCE: Rwandan killed their own population Whereas the germans gesapto aswell as SS were recuited to simply exterminate the Jewish popution. DIFFERENCE: GERMANS BELIEFES: Aryan race, and the hatred and anilations of Jews, the disabled, old people. Whereas tin Rwanda the hatred spiralled via the post colonialidt. One common experience shared by both Jews and Tutsi that make their anguish particularly raw was the fact that in both cases the international community was slow to respond to the mounting evidence of genocide against their peoples. The American and other allied governments certainly knew of the genocide being committed against the Jews by the Nazis, but the reality of the situation was that these governments believed that they had other more vital interests that needed to be pursued elsewhere. In other words, in the context of a World War, saving the Jewish people from extermination was low on their list of priorities. This was to an extent true even of American Jews and in a speech in 1991 the Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir said that the memory of inaction during World War Two was heavy on the conscience of American Jews (Novick 2000: pp.39). The Rwandan experience and the Holocaust share another similarity in this sense, Destexhe argues that the Western world was very slow to recognise what was happening in Rwanda and even more reluctant to call the atrocities in the country genocide (Destexhe 1995: pp.32). It took three weeks from 6 April a long time in the world of CNN-style news before editorials finally began comparing the situation in Rwanda with Germany under Nazism and referring to it as a genocide (Destexhe 1995: pp.32). Taylor agrees with this assessment arguing that the West was largely uninterested in the unfolding chaos in Rwanda (Taylor 1999: pp.4). How poorly the world powers read the situation. But for that matter, did a sincere desire really exist at the time to understand it? (Taylor 1999: pp.4). Taylor claims that the United States was weary of intervention during this period and that only France and Belgium had any pressing interests in Rwanda. Another element of commonality is highlighted by Traverso, one that might be regarded as a feature that separates the genocides in Rwanda and in Germany (Traverso 1999: pp.74). Traverso focuses upon the industrial nature of the killing both in Germany and in Rwanda and whilst the operations of the Nazis are often characterised in this fashion it is less common to conceive of the Rwandan genocide in such terms (Traverso 1999: pp.74). The mobile killing units had precursors in the Ottoman Empire and epigones in Rwanda and Bosnia and therefore he argues that the Jewish genocide constitutes a paradigm of modern barbarism (Traverso 1999: pp.74). The weaponry that the Hutu used in order to commit their crimes might have been no more sophisticated than the simple machete, but this is not Traversos point (Traverso 1999: pp.74). He argues that the sophistication is to be found in the level of planning and organisation undertaken by both Nazi and Hutu leaders and that this is where the industr ial and modern spectre of the genocide is to be located (Traverso 1999: pp 74). Differences between the Holocaust and the Rwandan genocide An important difference between the Rwandan experience and the Holocaust was the extent to which ideology influenced the perpetrators of the crime. Smith identifies the centrality of ideological currents in the Nazi genocide (Smith 2002: pp.153). According to Smith, ideology glorifies the perpetrators group by assigning to that group a special historical or religious mission. It demeans the victims group by assigning to its members many negative and often nonhuman characteristics (Smith 2002: pp.153). Ideology certainly played an important role in the Holocaust and there were a number of Hutu intellectuals who advocated more extreme forms of action against the Tutsi, but as Lemarchand argues the role of ideology was fundamentally different in both cases (Gellately 2003: pp.331). According to Lemarchand, whereas the Holocaust is the classic example of an ideological genocide, rooted in the most stridently racist ideology, the Rwanda genocide is better seen as the byproduct of the mort al threats posed to the revolutionary Hutu-dominated state by the RPF (Lemarchand 2005: pp.148). The Rwandan genocide is therefore better understood as resulting from a Hutu population that felt itself to be under threat from the Tutsi, rather than from any driving ideological imperatives. The difficulties of comparing the Holocaust and Rwanda However, a number of historians are not comfortable with drawing parallels between the Holocaust and the Rwandan genocide. Lemarchand argues that analysing genocide comparatively is inherently problematic and claims that each instance of genocide must be investigated on a singular basis. Lemarchand does not fundamentally disagree with the notion that there are similarities between the two experiences, but argues that a comparative analysis is dangerous (Lemarchand 2005: pp.143). To treat Rwanda as the carbon copy of the Holocaust is likely to obscure its historical specificity and regional context, and ultimately lead to a misunderstanding of the motivations behind the killings (Lemarchand 2005: pp.143). Eltringhams comparative examination of the Holocaust and the Rwandan genocide encounters similar difficulties and finds that a comparison of the suffering in both cases is ultimately futile (Eltringham 2004: pp.56). Both Tutsi and Jews have suffered, but in a different manner and for different reasons (Eltringham 2004: pp.56). There may, therefore, be similarities between the experiences of Jews and Tutsi during the their respective genocides, but the entire comparative paradigm is irretrievably flawed and as a result any attempt to draw sustained parallels between Germany and Rwanda is always likely to end in failure. In conclusion while it is possible to display points of comparison between the Rwandan genocide and the Holocaust, such a comparison must be approached with caution. One can argue that conceiving of the Holocaust and Rwanda as examples of total genocide is legitimate and that the industrial nature of the killing as well as the inaction on the part of the international community all point to a clear line of similarity between the two experiences. However, it is clear that a point of comparison between any two genocides is difficult, if not impossible task. The multitude of factors that cause genocide to take place in any given country are enormously complex and critically depend upon the context from which they emerge.(ADD: The colonists created the divde between the population, whereas anti semitsim has existed for centuries. Therefore, to argue that the Rwandan genocide is a modern-day example of the Holocaust is a misplaced argument, because it does not appreciate the many points o f difference that existed in the two respective cases. Ultimately, one should be careful when drawing points of comparison between the Final Solution and the Rwandan genocide for precisely this reason. ADD: How the rwandan hutu leader sought inspiration from Hitler, he watched films related to Hitler and searched for tips .

Musical Theatre Essay -- essays research papers

Girl Crazy (#14)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The musical â€Å"Girl Crazy† was about a boy named Danny Churchill who lived in New York. His dad was worried about his way with women so he sent him to Custerville, AZ to get him away from them. Danny was to live on the family dude ranch called â€Å"The Buzzards.†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  On his way to AZ, Danny rode in a taxi. The driver’s name was Gieber Goldfarb. He was known for his very bad Yiddish jokes. He eventually fell in love with a woman named Patsy West, who was also a nosey telephone operator.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  After Danny gets to Custerville, he meets the post-girl named Molly Grey. He was in love with her, although he had just left his old girlfriend in New York. Her name was Tess Hardy. Danny had stolen Tess away from her old boyfriend; his name was Sam Mason. Sam was very upset at this, so when he heard of Danny’s whereabouts, he came to take Molly from him. It worked for a little while, until Molly realized she should be with Danny.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There were also two people named Slick and Kate Fothergill. Slick managed the gambling room at â€Å"The Buzzards† that Danny opened to make the place somewhat of a party house. Kate was a nightclub singer that sang in Danny’s club.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There were two other people in the story that made it interesting and comical. Their names were Lank and Pete. They were the town villains and local thugs. At the end, these boys end up in jail. Holly Conant Of Thee I Sing (#16)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In the musical â€Å"Of Thee I Sing,† there were many characters. The lead was probably John P. Wintergreen. It is a story of Wintergreen running for president and all the mishaps he had with women. There were a few people on his political committee. Their names were Louis Lippman, Francis X. Gilhooley, Sen. Robert Lyons, Sen. Carver Jones, and Matthew Arnold Fulton, the chairman of the committee. Alexander Throttlebottom was the vice-president.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The story was about a national beauty contest and the winner got to be the first lady. Just before the winner was announced, John met a girl named Mary Turner. Mary was the secretary for the beauty contest. The two immediately fell in love.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The winner of the contest was Diana Devereaux. After the winner was announced, ... ...II, Scene IV, there is a lot of prayer and singing, trying to drown out the sound of the wind and storm. Clara is very scared for Jake. All of the sudden, they hear a knock at the door and it’s Crown. Bess and Porgy had thought he had died in the storm. He come in and starts saying bad things about God. He tells Bess that she will be with him forever.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Bess sees Jakes boat outside the window. Clara gives her baby to Bess and runs to Jake. Crown, after being challenged, goes after Clara.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  This began Act III. It was in the setting of a funeral. It was being held for Jake, Clara, and Crown. But Crown isn’t dead! Porgy knows this and hides so he can attack him and kill him. He does eventually, after a long struggle.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The detectives take Porgy in (in Scene II) to identify Crown’s body. While he is gone, Sporting Life offers himself to Bess (as well as his drugs). When Porgy comes back, a week later, he was rich from playing dice in jail. He looks all over for Bess, only to find that she had taken Sporting Life up on his offer and she’s in New York. Porgy vows that he will find her†¦and the story ends. Musical Theatre Essay -- essays research papers Girl Crazy (#14)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The musical â€Å"Girl Crazy† was about a boy named Danny Churchill who lived in New York. His dad was worried about his way with women so he sent him to Custerville, AZ to get him away from them. Danny was to live on the family dude ranch called â€Å"The Buzzards.†   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  On his way to AZ, Danny rode in a taxi. The driver’s name was Gieber Goldfarb. He was known for his very bad Yiddish jokes. He eventually fell in love with a woman named Patsy West, who was also a nosey telephone operator.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  After Danny gets to Custerville, he meets the post-girl named Molly Grey. He was in love with her, although he had just left his old girlfriend in New York. Her name was Tess Hardy. Danny had stolen Tess away from her old boyfriend; his name was Sam Mason. Sam was very upset at this, so when he heard of Danny’s whereabouts, he came to take Molly from him. It worked for a little while, until Molly realized she should be with Danny.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There were also two people named Slick and Kate Fothergill. Slick managed the gambling room at â€Å"The Buzzards† that Danny opened to make the place somewhat of a party house. Kate was a nightclub singer that sang in Danny’s club.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There were two other people in the story that made it interesting and comical. Their names were Lank and Pete. They were the town villains and local thugs. At the end, these boys end up in jail. Holly Conant Of Thee I Sing (#16)   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In the musical â€Å"Of Thee I Sing,† there were many characters. The lead was probably John P. Wintergreen. It is a story of Wintergreen running for president and all the mishaps he had with women. There were a few people on his political committee. Their names were Louis Lippman, Francis X. Gilhooley, Sen. Robert Lyons, Sen. Carver Jones, and Matthew Arnold Fulton, the chairman of the committee. Alexander Throttlebottom was the vice-president.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The story was about a national beauty contest and the winner got to be the first lady. Just before the winner was announced, John met a girl named Mary Turner. Mary was the secretary for the beauty contest. The two immediately fell in love.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The winner of the contest was Diana Devereaux. After the winner was announced, ... ...II, Scene IV, there is a lot of prayer and singing, trying to drown out the sound of the wind and storm. Clara is very scared for Jake. All of the sudden, they hear a knock at the door and it’s Crown. Bess and Porgy had thought he had died in the storm. He come in and starts saying bad things about God. He tells Bess that she will be with him forever.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Bess sees Jakes boat outside the window. Clara gives her baby to Bess and runs to Jake. Crown, after being challenged, goes after Clara.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  This began Act III. It was in the setting of a funeral. It was being held for Jake, Clara, and Crown. But Crown isn’t dead! Porgy knows this and hides so he can attack him and kill him. He does eventually, after a long struggle.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The detectives take Porgy in (in Scene II) to identify Crown’s body. While he is gone, Sporting Life offers himself to Bess (as well as his drugs). When Porgy comes back, a week later, he was rich from playing dice in jail. He looks all over for Bess, only to find that she had taken Sporting Life up on his offer and she’s in New York. Porgy vows that he will find her†¦and the story ends.

Foundation and Empire 13. Leutenant And Clown

If, from a distance of seven thousand parsecs, the fall of Kalgan to the armies of the Mule had produced reverberations that had excited the curiosity of an old Trader, the apprehension of a dogged captain, and the annoyance of a meticulous mayor – to those on Kalgan itself, it produced nothing and excited no one. It is the invariable lesson to humanity that distance in time, and in space as well, lends focus. It is not recorded, incidentally, that the lesson has ever been permanently learned. Kalgan was – Kalgan. It alone of all that quadrant of the Galaxy seemed not to know that the Empire had fallen, that the Stannells no longer ruled, that greatness had departed, and peace had disappeared. Kalgan was the luxury world. With the edifice of mankind crumbling, it maintained its integrity as a producer of pleasure, a buyer of gold and a seller of leisure. It escaped the harsher vicissitudes of history, for what conqueror would destroy or even seriously damage a world so full of the ready cash that would buy immunity. Yet even Kalgan had finally become the headquarters of a warlord and its softness had been tempered to the exigencies of war. Its tamed jungles, its mildly modeled shores, and its garishly glamorous cities echoed to the march of imported mercenaries and impressed citizens. The worlds of its province had been armed and its money invested in battleships rather than bribes for the first time in its history. Its ruler proved beyond doubt that he was determined to defend what was his and eager to seize what was others. He was a great one of the Galaxy, a war and peace maker, a builder of Empire, an establisher of dynasty. And an unknown with a ridiculous nickname had taken him – and his arms – and his budding Empire – and had not even fought a battle. So Kalgan was as before, and its uniformed citizens hurried back to their older life, while the foreign professionals of war merged easily into the newer bands that descended. Again as always, there were the elaborate luxury hunts for the cultivated animal life of the jungles that never took human life; and the speedster bird-chases in the air above, that was fatal only to the Great Birds. In the cities, the escapers of the Galaxy could take their varieties of pleasure to suit their purse, from the ethereal sky-palaces of spectacle and fantasy that opened their doors to the masses at the jingle of half a credit, to the unmarked, unnoted haunts to which only those of great wealth were of the cognoscenti. To the vast flood, Toran and Bayta added not even a trickle. They registered their ship in the huge common hangar on the East Peninsula, and gravitated to that compromise of the middle-classes, the Inland Sea-where the pleasures were yet legal, and even respectable, and the crowds not yet beyond endurance. Bayta wore dark glasses against the light, and a thin, white robe against the heat. Warm-tinted arms, scarcely the goldener for the sun, clasped her knees to her, and she stared with firm, abstracted gaze at the length of her husband's outstretched body – almost shimmering in the brilliance of white sun-splendor. â€Å"Don't overdo it,† she had said at first, but Toran was of a dying-red star, Despite three years of the Foundation, sunlight was a luxury, and for four days now his skin, treated beforehand for ray resistance, had not felt the harshness of clothing, except for the brief shorts. Bayta huddled close to him on the sand and they spoke in whispers. Toran's voice was gloomy, as it drifted upwards from a relaxed face, â€Å"No, I admit we're nowhere. But where is he? Who is he? This mad world says nothing of him. Perhaps he doesn't exist.† â€Å"He exists,† replied Bayta, with lips that didn't move. â€Å"He's clever, that's all. And your uncle is right. He's a man we could use – if there's time.† A short pause. Toran whispered, â€Å"Know what I've been doing, Bay? I'm just daydreaming myself into a sun-stupor. Things figure themselves out so neatly – so sweetly.† His voice nearly trailed off, then returned, â€Å"Remember the way Dr. Amann talked back at college, Bay. The Foundation can never lose, but that does not mean the rulers of the Foundation can't. Didn't the real history of the Foundation begin when Salvor Hardin kicked out the Encyclopedists and took over the planet Terminus as the first mayor? And then in the next century, didn't Hober Mallow gain power by methods almost as drastic? That's twice the rulers were defeated, so it can be done. So why not by us?† â€Å"It's the oldest argument in the books. Torie. What a waste of good reverie.† â€Å"Is it? Follow it out. What's Haven? Isn't it part of the Foundation? If we become top dog, it's still the Foundation winning, and only the current rulers losing.† â€Å"Lots of difference between ‘we can' and ‘we will.' You're just jabbering.† Toran squirmed. â€Å"Nuts, Bay, you're just in one of your sour, green moods. What do you want to spoil my fun for? I'll just go to sleep if you don't mind.† But Bayta was craning her head, and suddenly – quite a non sequitur – she giggled, and removed her glasses to look down the beach with only her palm shading her eyes. Toran looked up, then lifted and twisted his shoulders to follow her glance. Apparently, she was watching a spindly figure, feet in air, who teetered on his hands for the amusement of a haphazard crowd. It was one of the swarming acrobatic beggars of the shore, whose supple joints bent and snapped for the sake of the thrown coins. A beach guard was motioning him on his way and with a surprising one-handed balance, the clown brought a thumb to his nose in an upside-down gesture. The guard advanced threateningly and reeled backward with a foot in his stomach. The clown righted himself without interrupting the motion of the initial kick and was away, while the frothing guard was held off by a thoroughly unsympathetic crowd. The clown made his way raggedly down the beach. He brushed past many, hesitated often, stopped nowhere. The original crowd had dispersed. The guard had departed. â€Å"He's a queer fellow,† said Bayta, with amusement, and Toran agreed indifferently. The clown was close enough now to be seen clearly. His thin face drew together in front into a nose of generous planes and fleshy tip that seemed all but prehensile. His long, lean limbs and spidery body, accentuated by his costume, moved easily and with grace, but with just a suggestion of having been thrown together at random. To look was to smile. The clown seemed suddenly aware of their regard, for he stopped after he had passed, and, with a sharp turn, approached. His large, brown eyes fastened upon Bayta. She found herself disconcerted. The clown smiled, but it only saddened his beaked face, and when he spoke it was with the soft, elaborate phrasing of the Central Sectors. â€Å"Were I to use the wits the good Spirits gave me,† he said, â€Å"then I would say this lady can not exist – for what sane man would hold a dream to be reality. Yet rather would I not be sane and lend belief to charmed, enchanted eyes.† Bayta's own eyes opened wide. She said, â€Å"Wow!† Toran laughed, â€Å"Oh, you enchantress. Go ahead, Bay, that deserves a five-credit piece. Let him have it.† But the clown was forward with a jump. â€Å"No, my lady, mistake me not. I spoke for money not at all, but for bright eyes and sweet face.† â€Å"Well, thanks,† then, to Toran, â€Å"Golly, you think the sun's in his eyes?† â€Å"Yet not alone for eyes and face,† babbled the clown, as his words hurled past each other in heightened frenzy, â€Å"but also for a mind, clear and sturdy – and kind as well.† Toran rose to his feet, reached for the white robe he had crooked his arm about for four days, and slipped into it. â€Å"Now, bud,† he said, â€Å"suppose you tell me what you want, and stop annoying the lady.† The clown fell back a frightened step, his meager body cringing. â€Å"Now, sure I meant no harm. I am a stranger here, and it's been said I am of addled wits; yet there is something in a face that I can read. Behind this lady's fairness, there is a heart that's kind, and that would help me in my trouble for all I speak so boldly.† â€Å"Will five credits cure your trouble?† said Toran, dryly, and held out the coin. But the clown did not move to take it, and Bayta said, â€Å"Let me talk to him, Torie,† She added swiftly, and in an undertone, â€Å"There's no use being annoyed at his silly way of talking. That's just his dialect; and our speech is probably as strange to him.† She said, â€Å"What is your trouble? You're not worried about the guard, are you? He won't bother you.† â€Å"Oh, no, not he. He's but a windlet that blows the dust about my ankles. There is another that I flee, and he is a storm that sweeps the worlds aside and throws them plunging at each other. A week ago, I ran away, have slept in city streets, and hid in city crowds. I've looked in many faces for help in need. I find it here.† He repeated the last phrase in softer, anxious tones, and his large eyes were troubled, â€Å"I find it here.† â€Å"Now,† said Bayta, reasonably, â€Å"I would like to help, but really, friend, I'm no protection against a world-sweeping storm. To be truthful about it, I could use-â€Å" There was an uplifted, powerful voice that bore down upon them. â€Å"Now, then, you mud-spawned rascal-† It was the beach guard, with a fire-red face, and snarling mouth, that approached at a run. He pointed with his low-power stun pistol. â€Å"Hold him, you two. Don't let him get away.† His heavy hand fell upon the clown's thin shoulder, so that a whimper was squeezed out of him. Toran said, â€Å"What's he done?† â€Å"What's he done? What's he done? Well, now, that's good!† The guard reached inside the dangling pocket attached to his belt, and removed a purple handkerchief, with which he mopped his bare neck. He said with relish. â€Å"I'll tell you what he's done. He's run away. The word's all over Kalgan and I would have recognized him before this if he had been on his feet instead of on his hawkface top.† And he rattled his prey in a fierce good humor. Bayta said with a smile, â€Å"Now where did he escape from, sir?† The guard raised his voice. A crowd was gathering, popeyed and jabbering, and with the increase of audience, the guard's sense of importance increased in direct ratio. â€Å"Where did he escape from?† he declaimed in high sarcasm. â€Å"Why, I suppose you've heard of the Mule, now.† All jabbering stopped, and Bayta felt a sudden iciness trickle down into her stomach. The clown had eyes only for her-he still quivered in the guard's brawny grasp. â€Å"And who,† continued the guard heavily, â€Å"would this infernal ragged piece be, but his lordship's own court fool who's run away.† He jarred his captive with a massive shake, â€Å"Do you admit it, fool?† There was only white fear for answer, and the soundless sibilance of Bayta's voice close to Toran's ear. Toran stepped forward to the guard in friendly fashion, â€Å"Now, my man, suppose you take your hand away for just a while. This entertainer you hold has been dancing for us and has not yet danced out his fee.† â€Å"Here!† The guard's voice rose in sudden concern. â€Å"There's a reward-â€Å" â€Å"You'll have it, if you can prove he's the man you want. Suppose you withdraw till then. You know that you're interfering with a guest, which could be serious for you.† â€Å"But you're interfering with his lordship and that will be serious for you.† He shook the clown once again. â€Å"Return the man's fee, carrion.† Toran's hand moved quickly and the guard's stun pistol was wrenched away with half a finger nearly following it. The guard howled his pain and rage. Toran shoved him violently aside, and the clown, unhanded, scuttled behind him. The crowd, whose fringes were now lost to the eye, paid little attention to the latest development. There was among them a craning of necks, and a centrifugal motion as if many had decided to increase their distance from the center of activity. Then there was a bustle, and a rough order in the distance. A corridor formed itself and two men strode through, electric whips in careless readiness. Upon each purple blouse was designed an angular shaft of lightning with a splitting planet underneath. A dark giant, in lieutenant's uniform, followed them; dark of skin, and hair, and scowl. The dark man spoke with the dangerous softness that meant he had little need of shouting to enforce his whims. He said, â€Å"Are you the man who notified us?† The guard was still holding his wrenched hand, and with a pain-distorted face mumbled, â€Å"I claim the reward, your mightiness, and I accuse that man-â€Å" â€Å"You'll get your reward,† said the lieutenant, without looking at him. He motioned curtly to his men, â€Å"Take him.† Toran felt the clown tearing at his robe with a maddened grip. He raised his voice and kept it from shaking, â€Å"I'm sorry, lieutenant; this man is mine.† The soldiers took the statement without blinking. One raised his whip casually, but the lieutenant's snapped order brought it down. His dark mightiness swung forward and planted his square body before Toran, â€Å"Who are you?† And the answer rang out, â€Å"A citizen of the Foundation.† It worked-with the crowd, at any rate. The pent-up silence broke into an intense hum. The Mule's name might excite fear, but it was, after all, a new name and scarcely stuck as deeply in the vitals as the old one of the Foundation – that had destroyed the Empire – and the fear of which ruled a quadrant of the Galaxy with ruthless despotism. The lieutenant kept face. He said, â€Å"Are you aware of the identity of the man behind you?† â€Å"I have been told he's a runaway from the court of your leader, but my only sure knowledge is that he is a friend of mine. You'll need firm proof of his identity to take him.† There were high-pitched sighs from the crowd, but the lieutenant let it pass. â€Å"Have you your papers of Foundation citizenship with you?† â€Å"At my ship.† â€Å"You realize that your actions are illegal? I can have you shot.† â€Å"Undoubtedly. But then you would have shot a Foundation citizen and it is quite likely that your body would be sent to the Foundation – quartered – as part compensation. It's been done by other warlords.† The lieutenant wet his lips. The statement was true. He said, â€Å"Your name?† Toran followed up his advantage, â€Å"I will answer further questions at my ship. You can get the cell number at the Hangar; it is registered under the name ‘Bayta'.† â€Å"You won't give up the runaway?† â€Å"To the Mule, perhaps. Send your master!† The conversation had degenerated to a whisper and the lieutenant turned sharply away. â€Å"Disperse the crowd!† he said to his men, with suppressed ferocity. The electric whips rose and fell. There were shrieks and a vast surge of separation and flight. Toran interrupted his reverie only once on their way back to the Hangar. He said, almost to himself, â€Å"Galaxy, Bay, what a time I had! I was so scared-â€Å" â€Å"Yes,† she said, with a voice that still shook, and eyes that still showed something akin to worship, â€Å"it was quite out of character.† â€Å"Well, I still don't know what happened. I just got up there with a stun pistol that I wasn't even sure I knew how to use, and talked back to him. I don't know why I did it.† He looked across the aisle of the short-run air vessel that was carrying them out of the beach area, to the seat on which the Mule's clown scrunched up in sleep, and added distastefully, â€Å"It was the hardest thing I've ever done.† The lieutenant stood respectfully before the colonel of the garrison, and the colonel looked at him and said, â€Å"Well done. Your part's over now.† But the lieutenant did not retire immediately. He said darkly, â€Å"The Mule has lost face before a mob, sir. It will be necessary to undertake disciplinary action to restore proper atmosphere of respect.† â€Å"Those measures have already been taken.† The lieutenant half turned, then, almost with resentment, â€Å"I'm willing to agree, sir, that orders are orders, but standing before that man with his stun pistol and swallowing his insolence whole, was the hardest thing I've ever done.†